Monday, June 6, 2011

Notes for Dialectic of Enlightenment

Notes for Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno The Dialectic of Enlightenment

Preface
(xvi) If enlightenment does not assimilate reflection on this regressive movement, it seals its own fate. By leaving consideration of the destructive side of progress to its enemies, thought in its headlong rush into pragmatism is forfeiting its sublating character, and therefore its relation to truth. In the mysterious willingness of the technologically educated masses to fall under the spell of any despotism, in its self-destructive affinity to nationalist paranoia, in all this uncomprehended senselessness the weakness of contemporary theoretical understanding is evident.
(xvi) We believe that in these fragments we have contributed to such understanding by shwoing that the cause of enlightenment's relapse into mythology is to be sought not so much in the nationalist, pagan, or other modern mythologies concocted specifically to cause such a relapse as in the fear of truth which petrifies enlightenment itself.
(xvii) Intellect's true concern is a negation of reification. It must perish when it is solidified into a cultural asset and handed out for consumption purposes. The flood of precise information and brand-new amusements make people smarter and more stupid at once.
(xviii) If, in the absence of the social subject, the volume of goods took the form of so-called overproduction in domestic economic crises in the preceding period, today, thanks to the enthronement of powerful groups as that social subject, it is producing the international threat of fascism: progress is reverting to regression. That the hygienic factory and everything pertaining to it, Volkswagen and the sports palace, are obtusely liquidating metaphysics does not matter in itself, but that these things are themselves becoming metaphysics, and ideological curtain, within the social whole, behind which real doom is gathering, does matter.

The Concept of Enlightenment
(1-2) Enlightenment's program was the disenchantment of the world. It wanted to dispel myths, to overthrow fantasy with knowledge. Bacon, “The father of experimental philosophy,” brought these motifs together. . . . Technology is the essence of this knowledge. It aims to produce neither concepts nor images, nor the joy of understanding, but method, exploitation of the labor of others, capital.
(3) For enlightenment, anything which does not conform to the standard of calculability and utility must be viewed with suspicion.
(4-5) For the Enlightenment, only what can be encompassed by unity has the status of an existent or an event; its ideal is the system from which everything and anything follows. . . . Unity remains the watchword from Parmenidies to Russell. All gods and qualities must be destroyed.
(5-6) The awakening of the subject is bought with the recognition of power as the principle of all relationships. . . . In their mastery of nature, the creative God, and the ordering mind are alike. Man's likeness to God consists in sovereignty over existence, in the lordly gaze, in the command.
(6-7) Enlightenment stands in the same relationship to things as the dictator to human beings. He knows them to the extent that he can manipulate them. The man of science knows things to the extent that he can make them. . . . Representation gives way to universal fungibility. An atom is smashed not as a representation but as a specimen of matter, and the rabbit suffering the torment of the laboratory is seen not as a representative but, mistakenly, as a mere exemplar. . . . The manifold affinities between existing things are supplanted by the single relationship between the subject who confers meaning and the meaningless object, between rational significance and its accidental bearer. . . . The autonomy of thought in relation to objects, as manifested in the reality-adequacy of the Ego, was a prerequisite for the replacement of the localized practices of the medicine man by all-embracing industrial technology.
(9) Under the leveling rule of abstraction, which makes everything in nature repeatable, and of industry, for which abstraction prepared the way, the liberated finally themselves become the “herd” (
Trupp), which Hegel identified as the outcome of enlightenment.
(12) Indeed, human beings atoned for this very step by worshipping that to which previously, like all other creatures, they had been merely subjected. Earlier, fetishes had been subject to the law of equivalence. Now equivalence itself becomes a fetish.
(12-13) Nature as self-representation is the core of the symbolic: an entity or a process which is conceived as eternal because it is reenacted again and again in the guise of the symbol. . . . The prevailing antithesis between art and science, which rends the two apart as areas of culture in order to make them jointly manageable as areas of culture, finally causes them, through internal tendencies as exact opposites, to converge.
(14-15) The work of art constantly reenacts the duplication by which the thing appeared as something spiritual, a manifestation of
mana. That constitutes its aura. . . . The paradox of faith degenerates finally into fraud, the myth of the twentieth century and faith's irrationality into rational organization in the hands of the utterly enlightened as they steer society toward barbarism.

Compare to Benjamin.

(16-17) Even the deductive form of science mirrors hierarchy and compulsion. Just as the first categories represented the organized tribe and its power over the individual, the entire logical order, with its chains of inference and dependence, the superordination and coordination of concepts, is founded on the corresponding conditions in social reality, that is, on the division of labor. . . . Power confronts the individual as the universal, as the reason which informs reality. . . . It is this unity of collectivity and power, and not the immediate social universal, solidarity, which is precipitated in intellectual forms. . . . They originated, as Vico put it, in the marketplace of Athens; they reflected with the same fidelity the laws of physics, the equality of freeborn citizens, and the inferiority of women, children, and slaves. . . . The impartiality of scientific language deprived what was powerless of the strength to make itself heard and merely provided the existing order with a neutral sign for itself. Such neutrality is more metaphysical than metaphysics.
(18-19) In the preemptive indentification of the thoroughly mathematized world with truth, enlightenment believes itself safe from the return of the mythical. It equates thought with mathematics. The latter is thereby cut loose, as it were, turned into absolute authority. . . . Thought is reified as an autonomous, automatic process, aping the machine it has itself produced, so that it can finally be replaced by the machine. . . . Despite its axiomatic self-limitation, it installed itself as necessary and objective: mathematics made thought into a thing – a tool, to use its own term.

Mathematics reified thought as a machine process. Compare to Hayles.

(21-22) Individuals shrink to the nodal points of conventional reactions and the modes of operation objectively expected of them. Animism had endowed things with souls; industrialism makes souls into things. On its own account, even in advance of total planning, the economic apparatus endows commodities with the values which decide the behavior of the people. . . . The countless agencies of mass production and its culture impress standardized behavior on the individual as the only natural, decent, and rational one. . . . human beings can expect the world, which is without issue, to be set ablaze by a universal power which they themselves are and over which they are powerless.
(25) With the spread of the bourgeois commodity economy the dark horizon of myth is illuminated by the sun of calculating reason, beneath whose icy rays the seeds of the new barbarism are germinating.
(27) The fettered man listens to a concert, as immobilized as audiences later, and his enthusiastic call for liberation goes unheard as applause. In this way the enjoyment of art and manual work diverge as the primeval world is left behind. The epic already contains the correct theory. Between the cultural heritage and enforced work there is a precise correlation, and both are founded on the inescapable compulsion toward the social control of nature.
(27-28) Measures like those taken on Odysseus's ship in face of the Sirens are a prescient allegory of the dialectic of enlightenment. . . . Odysseus is represented in the sphere of work. Just as he cannot give way to the lure of self-abandonment, as owner he also forfeits participation in work and finally even control over it, while his companions, despite their closeness to things, cannot enjoy their work because it is performed under compulsion, in despair, with their senses forcibly stopped. . . . Humanity, whose skills and knowledge become differentiated with the division of labor, is thereby forced back to more primitive anthropological stages, since, with the technical facilitation of existence, the continuance of domination demands the fixation of instincts by greater repression. Fantasy withers.
(28-29) A consequence of the restriction of thought to organization and administration, rehearsed by those in charge from artful Odysseus to artless chairmen of the board, is the stupidity which afflicts the great as soon as they have to perform tasks other than the manipulation of the small. . . . Through the mediation of the total society, which encompasses all relationships and impulses, human beings are being turned back into precisely what the developmental law of society, the principle of the self, had opposed: mere examples of the species, identical to one another through isolation within the compulsively controlled collectivity.

Examine Turkle's dialectical turning of this theme.

(30) The rulers themselves do not believe in objective necessity, even if they sometimes call their machinations by that name. They posture as engineers of world history. Only their subjects accept the existing development, which renders them a degree more powerless with each prescribed increase in their standard of living, as inviolably necessary.

Feenberg.

(32-33) In declaring necessity the sole basis of the future and banishing the mind, in the best idealist fashion, to the far pinnacle of the superstructure, socialism clung all too desperately to the heritage of bourgeois philosophy. . . . By sacrificing thought, which in its reified form as mathematics, machinery, organization, avenges itself on a humanity forgetful of it, enlightenment forfeited its own realization. By subjecting everything particular to its discipline, it left the uncomprehended whole free to rebound as mastery over things against the life and consciousness of human beings. . . . In multiplying violence through the mediation of the market, the bourgeois economy has also multiplied its things and its forces to the point where not merely kings or even the bourgeoisie are sufficient to administrate them: all human beings are needed.

Excursus I: Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment
(35) The familiar equation of epic and myth, which in any case has been undermined by recent classical philology, proves wholly misleading when subjected to philosophical critique. The two concepts diverge. They mark two phases of an historical process, which are still visible at the joints where editors have stitched the epic together.
(36) Understanding of the element of bourgeois enlightenment in Homer has been advanced by the German late-Romantic interpretation of antiquity based on the early writings of Nietzsche. Like few others since Hegel, Nietzsche recognized the dialectic of enlightenment. He formulated the ambivalent relationship of enlightenment to power.
(37) The alleged authenticity of the archaic, with its principle of blood and sacrifice, is already tainted by the devious bad conscience of power characteristic of the “national regeneration” today, which uses primeval times for self-advertising.
(38) That is the secret underlying the conflict between epic and myth: the self does not exist simply in rigid antithesis to adventure but takes on its solidity only through this antithesis, and its unity through the very multiplicity which myth in its oneness denies.
(40) If exchange represents the secularization of sacrifice, the sacrifice itself, like the magic schema of rational exchange, appears as a human contrivance intended to control the gods, who are overthrown precisely by the system created to honor them.
(40) Something of this fraud, which elevates the perishable person as bearer of the divine substance, has always been detectable in the ego, which owes its existence to the sacrifice of the present moment to the future. Its substance is as illusory as the immortality of the slaughtered victim. Nor without reason was Odysseus regarded by many as a deity.
(41) Cunning is nothing other than the subjective continuation of the objective untruth of sacrifice, which it supersedes.
(42) In class society, the self's hostility to sacrifice included a sacrifice of the self, since it was paid for by a denial of nature in the human being for the sake of mastery over extrahuman nature and over human beings. This very denial, the core of all civilizing rationality, is the germ cell of proliferating mythical irrationality: with the denial of nature in human beings, not only the
telos of the external mastery of nature but also the telos of one's own life becomes confused and opaque.
(45) Imitation enters the service of power when even the human being becomes an anthropomorphism for human beings. . . . He wriggles through – that is his survival, and all the renown he gains in his own and others' eyes merely confirms that the honor of heroism is won only by the humbling of the urge to attain entire, universal, undivided happiness.
(45) The formula for Odysseus's cunning is that the detached, instrumental mind, by submissively embracing nature, renders to nature what is hers and thereby cheats her. The mythical monsters under whose power he falls represent, as it were, petrified contracts and legal claims dating from primeval times.
(47) With the dissolution of the contract through its literal fulfillment a change occurs in the historical situation of language: it begins to pass over into designation. Mythical fate had been one with the spoken word. . . . The word was thought to have direct power over the thing, expression merged with intention. Cunning, however, consists in exploiting the difference. . . . Odysseus discovered in words what in fully developed bourgeois society is called
formalism: their perennial ability to designate is bought at the cost of distancing themselves from any particular content which fulfills them, so that they refer from a distance to all possible contents, both to nobody and to Odysseus himself. From the formalism of mythical names and statutes, which, indifferent like nature, seek to rule over human beings and history, emerges nominalism, the prototype of bourgeois thinking.

Foucault order of things.

(48) Odysseus's defenselessness against the foaming sea sounds like a legitimation of the enrichment of the voyager at the expense of indigenous inhabitants. Bourgeois economics later enshrined this principle in the concept of risk: the possibility of foundering is seen as a moral justification for profit.
(61) The transposition of myths into the novel, as in the adventure story, does not falsify myth so much as drag it into the sphere of time, exposing the abyss which separates it from homeland and reconciliation. . . . Speech itself, language as opposed to mythical song, the possibility of holding fast the past atrocity through memory, is the law of Homeric escape. Not without reason is the fleeing hero repeatedly introduced as narrator. The cold detachment of narrative, which describes even the horrible as if for entertainment, for the first time reveals in all their clarity the horrors which in song are solemnly confused with fate.

Excursus II: Juliette or Enlightenment and Morality
(63) Thinking, as understood by the Enlightenment, is the process of establishing a unified, scientific order and of deriving factual knowledge from principles, whether these principles are interpreted as arbitrarily posited axioms, innate ideas, or the highest abstractions.
(65) The system which enlightenment aims for is the form of knowledge which most ably deals with the facts, most effectively assists the subject in mastering nature.
(65) The true nature of the schematism which externally coordinates the universal and the particular, the concept and the individual case, finally turns out, in current science, to be the interest of industrial society. Being is apprehended in terms of manipulation and administration. . . . Kant intuitively anticipated what Hollywood has consciously put into practice: images are precensored during production by the same standard of understanding which will later determine their reception by viewers.
(68) The work of the Marquis de Sade exhibits “understanding without direction from another” - that is to say, the bourgeois subject freed from all tutelage.
(68-69) After the brief interlude of liberalism in which the bourgeois kept one another in check, power is revealing itself as archaic terror in a fascistically rationalized form. . . . More than a century before the emergence of sport, Sade demonstrated empirically what Kant grounded transcendentally: the affinity between knowledge and planning which has set its stamp of inescapable functionality on a bourgeois existence rationalized even in its breathing spaces. . . . The special architectonic structure of the Kantian system, like the gymnasts' pyramids in Sade's orgies and the formalized principles of early bourgeois freemasonry – cynically reflected in the strict regime of the libertine society of the
120 Days of Sodomprefigures the organization, devoid of any substantial goals, which was to encompass the whole of life. What seems to matter in such events, more than pleasure itself, is the busy pursuit of pleasure, its organization.

(74) In psychological terms Juliette, not unlike Merteuil in Les Liaisons Dangereuses, embodies neither unsublimated nor regressive libido but intellectual pleasure in regression, amor intelletualis diaboli, the joy of defeating civilization with its own weapons.
(79) By elevating the cult of strength to a world-historical doctrine, German fascism took it to its absurd conclusion.
(81-83) Magic passes into mere activity, into the means – in short, into industry. The formalization of reason is merely the intellectual expression of mechanized production. The means is fetishized: it absorbs pleasure. Just as the goals with which the old system of rule had veiled itself are rendered illusory by enlightenment in theory, the possibility of abundance removes their justification in practice. . . . Only with increasing civilization and enlightenment do the strengthened self and the secure system of power reduce the festival to farce. . . . Pleasure becomes an object of manipulation, until it finally perishes in the administrative arrangements. . . . The general overflowing is no longer possible. The period of turbulence has been individualized. Holidays have supplanted the feast. In fascism they are supplemented by the collective fake intoxication, concocted from radio, headlines, and Benzedrine.

Zizek.

(84-85) The more universally the system of modern industry requires everyone to enter its service, the more all those who do not form part of the ocean of “white trash,” which is absorbing the unqualified employed and unemployed, are turned into petty experts, into employees who must fend for themselves. . . . What is true in all this is the insight into the dissociation of love, the work of progress. This dissociation, which mechanizes pleasure and distorts longing into a deception, attacks love at its core.
(90-92) Science itself, therefore, is open to the same criticism as metaphysics. The denial of God contains an irresolvable contradiction; it negates knowledge itself. Sade did not drive the idea of enlightenment to this point, where it turns against itself. The reflection of science on itself, the work of the Enlightenment's conscience, was left to philosophy, meaning German philosophy. . . . If the bourgeoisie sent them, its most loyal politicians, to the guillotine, it banished its most outspoken writer to the hell of the Bibliotheque Nationale. For the
chronique scandaleuse of Justine and Juliette which, turned out as if on a production line, prefigured in the style of the eighteenth century the sensational literature of the nineteenth and the mass literature of the twentieth is the Homeric epic after it has discarded its last mythological veil: the story of thought as an instrument of power.
(93) Compared to the mentality and actions of the rulers under fascism, in which power has come fully into its own, the enthusiastic description of the life of Brisa-Testa – although those rulers are recognizable in it – pales to harmless banality. In Sade as in Mandeville, private vices are the anticipatory historiography of public virtues in the totalitarian era. It is because they did not hush up the impossibility of deriving from reason a fundamental argument against murder, but proclaimed it from the rooftops, that Sade and Nietzsche are still vilified, above all by progressive thinkers. In a different way to logical positivism, they both took science at its word. . . . In proclaiming the identity of power and reason, their pitiless doctrines are more compassionate than those of the moral lackeys of the bourgeoisie. “Where are they greatest dangers?,” Nietzsche once asked. “In pit.” With his denial he redeemed the unwavering trust in humanity which day by day is betrayed by consoling affirmation.

The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception
(95) Films and radio no longer need to present themselves as art. The truth that they are nothing but business is used as an ideology to legitimize the trash they intentionally produce.
(95) The technical antithesis between few production centers and widely dispersed reception necessitates organization and planning by those in control. . . . These adverse effects, however, should not be attributed to the internal laws of technology itself but to its function within the economy today.

Internet media undo this necessity.

(98) Even during their leisure time, consumers must orient themselves according to the unity of production. . . . Everything comes from consciousness – from that of God for Malebranche and Berkeley, and from earthly production management for mass art. Not only do hit songs, stars, and soap operas conform to types recurring cyclically as rigid invariants, but the specific content of productions, the seemingly variable element, is itself derived from those types.
(101) Every phenomenon is by now so thoroughly imprinted by the schema that nothing can occur that does not bear in advance the trace of the jargon, that is not seen at first glance to be approved. But the true masters, as both producers and reproducers, are those who speak the jargon with the same free-and-easy relish as if it were the language it has long since silenced. Such is the industry's ideal of naturalness.
(104) The general designation “culture” already contains, virtually, the process of identifying, cataloging, and classifying which imports culture into the realm of administration. Only what has been industrialized, rigorously subsumed, is fully adequate to this concept of culture.
(107-108) The culture industry can boast of having energetically accomplished and elevated to a principle the often inept transposition of art to the consumption sphere, of having stripped amusement of its obtrusive naiveties and imposed the quality of its commodities. . . . What is new, however, is that the irreconcilable elements of culture, art, and amusement have been subjected equally to the concept of purpose and thus brought under a single false denominator: the totality of the culture industry. . . . With good reason the interest of countless consumers is focused on the technology, not on the rigidly repeated, threadbare and half-abandoned content.

A criticism that is often also applied to movies and video games.

(111) Apart from that, and even by the measure of the existing order, the bloated entertainment apparatus does not make life more worthy of human beings. The idea of “exploiting” the given technical possibilities, of fully utilizing the capacities for aesthetic mass consumption, is part of an economic system which refuses to utilize capacities when it is a question of abolishing hunger.

Benjamin on war.

(113) What is decisive today is no longer Puritanism, though it still asserts itself in the form of women's organizations, but the necessity, inherent in the system, of never releasing its grip on the consumer, of not for a moment allowing him or her to suspect that resistance is possible. This principle requires that while all needs should be presented to individuals as capable of fulfillment by the culture industry, they should be so set up in advance that individuals experience themselves through their needs only as eternal consumers, as the culture industry's object.
(115) Amusement itself becomes an ideal, taking the place of the higher values it eradicates from the masses by repeating them in an even more stereotyped form than the advertising slogans paid for by private interests.
(116-117) The culture industry has sardonically realized man's species being. Everyone amounts only to those qualities by which he or she can replace everyone else: all are fungible, mere specimens.
(120) On one matter, however, this hollow ideology is utterly serious: everyone is provided for. “No one must be hungry or cold. Anyone failing to comply goes to a concentration camp.” The joke from Hitler's Germany might well shine out as a maxim above all the portals of the culture industry.

Compare to Zizek “enjoy your symptom”?

(124) Everyone can be like the omnipotent society, everyone can be happy if only they hand themselves over to it body and soul and relinquish their claim to happiness. In their weakness society recognizes its own strength and passes some if it back to them. Their lack of resistance certifies them as reliable customers. Thus is tragedy abolished.
(126-128) The dominant taste derives its ideal from the advertisement, from commodified beauty. Socrates' dictum that beauty is the useful has at last been ironically fulfilled. The cinema publicizes the cultural conglomerate as a totality, while the radio advertises individually the products for whose sake the cultural system exists. . . . The mortally sick Beethoven, who flung away a novel by Walter Scott with the cry: “The fellow writes for money,” while himself proving an extremely experienced and tenacious businessman in commercializing the last quartets – works representing the most extreme repudiation of the market – offers the most grandiose example of the unity of the opposites of market and autonomy in bourgeois art. The artists who succumb to ideology are precisely those who conceal this contradiction instead of assimilating it into the consciousness of their own productions, as Beethoven did . . . . The principle of idealist aesthetics, purposiveness without purpose, reverses the schema socially adopted by bourgeois art: purposelessness for purposes dictated by the market. . . . Radio, the progressive latecomer to mass culture, is drawing conclusions which film's pseudomarket at present denies that industry. The technical structure of the commercial radio system makes it immune to liberal deviations of the kind the film industry can still permit itself in its own preserve. . . . The National Socialists knew that broadcasting gave their cause stature as the printing press did to the Reformation. The
Fuhrer's metaphysical charisma, invented by the sociology of religion, turn out finally to be merely the omnipresence of his radio address, which demonically parodies that of the divine spirit.
(131-133) Today, when the free market is coming to an end, those in control of the system are entrenching themselves in advertising. It strengthens the bond which shackles consumers to the big combines. Only those who can keep paying the exorbitant fees charged by the advertising agencies, and most of all by radio itself, that is, those who are already part of the system or are co-opted into it by the decisions of banks and industrial capital, can enter the pseudomarket as sellers. . . . The enthusiastic and unpaid story about the living habits and personal grooming of celebrities, which wins them new fans, is editorial, while the advertising pages rely on photographs and data so factual and lifelike that they represent the ideal of information to which the editorial section only aspires. . . . The montage character of the culture industry, the synthetic, controlled manner in which its products are assembled – factory-like not only in the film studio but also, virtually, in the compilation of the cheap biographies, journalistic novels, and hit songs – predisposes it to advertising; the individual moment, in being detachable, replaceable, estranged even technically from any coherence of meaning, lends itself to purposes outside the work. . . . everything is directed at overpowering a customer conceived as distracted or resistant.

Commercialized art is advertising. Consumer is alienated. Another condition disrupted by electronic technology (but keep in mind Winner), and also redoubled by it.

(133-136) Through the language they speak, the customers make their own contribution to culture as advertising. For the more completely language coincides with communication, the more words change from substantial carriers of meaning to signs devoid of qualities; the more purely and transparently they communicate what they designate, the more impenetrable they become. The demythologizing of language, as an element of the total process of enlightenment, reverts to magic. . . . The blindness and muteness of the data to which positivism reduces the world passes over into language itself, which is limited to registering those data. Thus relationships themselves become impenetrable, taking on an impact, a power of adhesion and repulsion which makes them resemble their extreme antithesis, spells. They act once more like the practices of a kind of sorcery, whether the name of a diva is concocted in the studio on the basis of statistical data, or welfare government is averted by the use of taboo-laden words such as “bureaucracy” and “intellectuals,” or vileness exonerates itself by invoking the name of a homeland. . . . The violence done to words is no longer audible in them. The radio announcer does not need to talk in an affected voice; indeed, he would be impossible if his tone differed from that of his designated listeners. . . . The way in which the young girl accepts and performs the obligatory date, the tone of voice used on the telephone and in the most intimate situations, the choice of words in conversation, indeed, the whole inner life compartmentalized according to the categories of vulgarized depth psychology, bears witness to the attempt to turn oneself into an apparatus meeting the requirements of success, an apparatus which, even in its unconscious impulses, conforms to the model presented by the culture industry. The most intimate reactions of human beings have become so entirely reified, even to themselves, that the idea of anything peculiar to them survives only in extreme abstraction: personality means hardly more than dazzling white teeth and freedom from body odor and emotions. That is the triumph of advertising in the culture industry: the compulsive imitation by consumers of cultural commodities which, at the same time, they recognize as false.

Elements of Anti-Semitism: Limits of Enlightenment
III
(143) The Jews had not been the only people active in the circulation sphere. But they had been locked up in it too long not to reflect in their makeup something of the hatred so long directed at that sphere. . . . The Jews were the trauma of the knights of industry, who have to masquerade as productive creators. In the Jewish jargon they detect what they secretly despise in themselves: their anti-Semitism is self-hate, the bad conscious of the parasite.
V
(147) Society's emancipation from anti-Semitism depends on whether the content of that idiosyncrasy is raised to the level of a concept and becomes aware of its own senselessness. But idiosyncrasy attaches itself to the peculiar. The universal, that which fits into the context of social utility, is regarded as natural.
(153) They have not so much eradicated the adaptation to nature as elevated it to the pure duties of ritual. In this way they have preserved its reconciling memory, without relapsing through symbols into mythology. They are therefore regarded by advanced civilization as both backward and too advanced, like and unlike, shrewd and stupid.
VI
(159) The unconditional realism of civilized humanity, which culminates in fascism, is a special case of paranoid delusion which depopulates nature and finally nations themselves.
(163) Those who were excluded from humanity against their will, like those who excluded themselves from it out of longing for humanity, knew that the pathological cohesion of the established group was strengthened by persecuting them. Its normal members relieve their paranoia by participating in the collective one, and cling passionately to the objectified, collective, approved forms of delusion.

Zizek discusses this role of electronic media instantiating the global village as the imaginary of the virtual.

(164) Conscience is deprived of objects, since individuals' responsibility for themselves and their dependents is replaced – although still under the old moral title – by their mere performance for the apparatus.
(164-165) In face of such power, it is left to chance – guided by the Party – to decide where despairing self-preservation is to project the guilt for its terror. The Jews are the predestined target of this guided chance. . . . Only the liberation of thought from power, the abolition of violence, could realize the idea which has been unrealized until now: that the Jew is a human being. This would be a step away from the anti-Semitic society, which drives both Jews and others into sickness, and toward the human one.

What repressed groups are on this border of the human now? Are we as polarized in our hatred of Muslim radicalists?

VII
(165) But there are no longer any anti-Semites. The last of them were liberals who wanted to express their antiliberal opinions. . . . Anti-Semitic views always reflected stereotyped thinking. Today only that thinking is left. People still vote, but only between totalities. The anti-Semitic psychology has largely been replaced by mere acceptance of the whole fascist ticket, which is an inventory of the slogans of belligerent big business. . . . Anti-Semitism has practically ceased to be an independent impulse and has become a plank in the platform: anyone who gives fascism its chance subscribes to the settlement of the Jewish question along with the breaking of the unions and the crusade against Bolshevism. . . . When the masses accept the reactionary ticket containing the clause against the Jews, they are obeying social mechanisms in which individual people's experiences of Jews play no part. It has been shown, in fact, that anti-Semitism's prospects are no less good in “Jew-free” areas than in Hollywood itself. Experience is replaced by cliché, the imagination active in experience by diligent acceptance.
(167-169) The individual had become an impediment to production. The lack of synchronicity between technical and human development, the “cultural lag” which used to exercise the minds of sociologists, is beginning to disappear. Economic rationality, the vaunted principle of the smallest necessary means, is unremittingly reshaping the last units of the economy: businesses and human beings. The most advanced form at a given time becomes the predominant one. Once, the department store expropriated the old-style specialist shop. . . . The psychological small business – the individual – is meeting the same fate. It came into being as the power cell of economic activity. Emancipated from the tutelage of earlier economic stages, individuals fended for themselves alone: as proletarians by hiring themselves out through the labor market and by constant adaptation to new technical conditions, as entrepreneurs by tirelessly realizing the ideal type of
homo oeconomicus. . . . In the progress of industrial society, which is supposed to have conjured away the law of increasing misery it had itself brought into being, the concept which justified the whole – the human being as person, as the bearer of reason – is going under. The dialectic of enlightenment is culminating objectivity in madness.

The core of their argument can be reiterated through the next dialectical stage of Hayles' posthuman.

(169-170) Although the abundance of goods which could be produced everywhere and simultaneously makes the struggle for raw materials and markets seem ever more anachronistic, humanity is nevertheless divided into a small number of armed power blocs. . . . Ticket thinking, a product of industrialization and its advertising, is being extended to international relations.
(171) The Jewish middleman fully becomes the image of the devil only when economically he has ceased to exist. Victory is thus made easy, and the anti-Semitic family man becomes the spectator, exempt from responsibility, of an irresistible historical tendency, intervening only when called to do so by his role as an employee of the Party or the Zyklon gas factories.


Horkheimer, Max and Adorno, Theodor W. (2002). Dialectic of enlightenment: Philosophical fragments. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Wednesday, December 8, 2010

Dissertation Prospectus

Dissertation Prospectus
Influence of Early Personal Computers and Texts on Programming Style
John Bork
University of Central Florida

Summary

Interest in learning computer programming outside of computer science peaked in the mid 1980s through early 1990s as widespread diffusion of personal computers into public schools and universities occurred in the United States. During this period, Sherry Turkle revealed through ethnographic research that children learning to program exhibited a number of distinct programming styles. Often these individual styles clashed with the dominant culture, forcing some to conceal their true stylistic preferences, thwarting the creative impulses of others, and discouraging some altogether from writing programs. Her theoretical model relies strongly on developmental psychology and post-structuralist cultural critique, and attributes only minor relevance to the specific computer languages being learned, and makes no mention of the different brands and models of computers that were being used. My dissertation prospectus outlines a strategy for discovering how structural, rhetorical, and media-specific features of early personal computers and accompanying texts relate to the development of individual programming style by interviewing people who learned to program on such systems in the late 1970s through mid 1980s. The purpose of the data collection phase is to determine the relevant platforms, texts, and programming styles. The analysis phase will seek connections between them using qualitative analysis of the empirical data from the interviews. Close readings of Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) manuals, books, and magazines associated with these computer platforms seek to employ theories and methods from the study of texts and technology to respond to the gap in Turkle's work. The synthesis stage of the dissertation work may reveal recommendations for best practices in teaching computer programming in general settings, and guide the development of future computing platforms and their accompanying texts that are designed for learning.

Literature Review

For a period in the late 1970s through early 1990s, the rapid proliferation of personal computers in public schools and universities generated substantial interest among humanities scholars examining both the study of learning computer programming (Papert; Turkle, 1984; Turkle and Papert; Perkins, Schwartz, and Simmons), as well as how skills related to programming may transfer to other domains (Hoar; Mayer), in addition to the overall phenomenon of the growing presence of computer in education (Shields). Then the interest diminished, and scholarly study of learning programming devolved to the specific domains of computer science and technology education – and only for those children considering programming as a career (Gillespie; Ge, Thomas and Green; Panell). There is no clear picture of the current state of computer technology instruction in American public and private schools; however, it is likely to have shifted from a programming-centric to applications-centric emphasis. (If necessary, this hypothesis will be tested via empirical research, but it is not anticipated as a precondition affecting the validity of the proposed methodology.) Put another way, it is likely that programming-centric learning environments equivalent to (offering at least the same affordances of) late 1970s through early 1990s are not offered to the extent, as a percentage of school age children, that they were during this period. Interest in programming over application-based literacy has diminished since the 1990s, as articulated by David Brin in a 2006 online article, "Why Johnny Can't Code,” among others (Turkle, 1995; Bogost). A few who do promote the casual learning of programming in general academic contexts recommend very simple, modern languages such as HTML and XML (Cummings). Recent observers of this phenomenon suggest learning programming needs a different basis, such as using long defunct, early models of personal computers (PCs) on account of their relative simplicity and operational proximity to the raw hardware (Brin; McAllister; Bogost).
Is such an approach sensible? Has mainstream American culture shifted such that it is not reasonable to expect there to be a great deal of interest in what I would like to call general-purpose, casual programming? Within the realm of cultural studies, a possible means of analysis is to examine whether particular models of early PCs encouraged the development of particular programming styles, and how different programming styles fit into the overall culture of the time. While it may be fanciful to resurrect obsolete PC models to encourage children to learn programming, there may be lessons that can be learned from their design, marketing, and the texts that accompanied them, especially bundled instruction and reference manuals, for the next generation of devices.

Seymour Papert invented the Logo programming language as part of his vision of bringing together the power of easily programmable computers and the innate creativity of small children, as recounted in his 1980 book Mindstorms: Children, Computers, and Powerful Ideas. He set in motion other researchers and helped introduce personal computers to American schools. Sherry Turkle, who performed ethnographic studies of children learning to program in the late 1970s through mid 1980s, and later published with Papert, argued that children naturally express different programming styles. She called them 'hard mastery' and 'soft mastery'; children flourished or floundered in their efforts at learning programming depending on whether the learning environment and culture was compatible with their form of mastery (Turkle, 1984; Turkle and Papert, 1990; Turkle and Papert, 1991). She used the term 'bricolage', taken from Claude Levi-Strauss' anthropological studies of pre-industrial societies, to represent a programming style that “works on a problem by arranging and rearranging these elements, working through new combinations” (1984, p. 105). Essential differences between the formal, canonical programming style that is typically taught, and the 'bricoleur' style are the programmers relationship to their materials (abstract versus concrete) and attitude toward errors (avoidance versus acceptance). Turkle writes, “for planners, mistakes are missetps; for bricoleurs they are the essence of a navigation by mid-course corrections. For planners, a program is an instrument for premeditated control; bricoleurs have goals, but set out to realize them in the spirit of a collaborative venture with the machine” (2000, p. 136). Most of her research focused on the Logo programming language, which she argued was superior to BASIC in affording expression of the soft mastery style, and made no distinction between programming language and the particular model of machine that her subjects were using. She leaves to a footnote a brief analysis of the affordancs of Logo over BASIC: “Not all computer systems, not all computer languages offer a material that is flexible enough for differences in style to be expressed. A language such as BASIC does not make it easy to achieve successful results through a variety of programming styles” (1984, p. 105).

Turkle's interest in programming styles represents one aspect of research in learning computer programming. Studies about what teaching techniques do and do not work, and whether and how particular skills such as algorithm flowcharting and troubleshooting (debugging) may transfer from a programming environment to other domains, are more typical. Richard Mayer edited Teaching and Learning Computer Programming: Multiple Research Perspectives in 1988, a book containing research articles reflecting the rapid proliferation of personal computers in public schools and universities. The history of research on teaching and learning computer programming, as related by Mayer in the introduction, began with strong claims by Papert and others concerning the expected positive outcomes of non-directed methods for teaching programming. This was followed by empirical research revealing disappointing realities: “learning even the rudiments of LOGO appeared to be difficult for children and transfer to other domains seemed minimal” (p. 3). The present state (in 1988) characterized by multidisciplinary research and theory, retreated from the early, positive claims. Two trends he notes are “first, instead of advocating discovery methods of instruction, current research suggests that more guidance is needed to insure learning. . . . Second . . . transfer is most likely to occur for skills most similar to those learning in programming” (p. 4). Nonetheless, Papert's influence is evident by the number of chapters that deal with the Logo language. The next four chapters of Teaching and Learning Computer Programming focus on Logo: componential problem solving, cognitive analysis of learning Logo, it influence of intellectual development, and teaching methods that emphasize transfer of general skills. Chapter 11 returns to the topic of skills transfer from programming environments to non-programming contexts, again using Logo, and, contrary to Mayer's assessment in the introduction, claiming to successfully teach a skill that can be transferred beyond computer programming environments.

The other 'learning languages' besides Logo of note in Mayer's anthology are BASIC and Pascal. Chapter 7 presents the research of Perkins, Schwartz, and Simmons on “Instructional Strategies for Novice Programmers,” in which a 'metacourse' was designed to provide supplementary material to a BASIC programming curriculum. It attempts to address three common sources of difficulty for beginning programmers: fragile knowledge of the domain, lack of elementary problem-solving strategies, and attitudinal problems of confidence and control towards computers. This theme is continued in Chapter 8, which investigates the social context of learning computer programming. In Chapter 9 the results of a particular instructional project (the Autonomous Classroom Computer Environments for Learning) in high school Pascal programming classes are analyzed. Chapter 10 is a case study of typical errors students make in an introductory Pascal class. A glance at the history of scholarly journals combining computing and teaching reveals an expectant atmosphere in which it was assumed by most that programming instruction would continue to expand in public school curricula.

The bulk of current literature on learning computer programming is published within computer science and technology education domains, focusing on classroom settings where the currently popular languages used by professional programmers are taught, and not surprising, focusing on post-secondary instruction. A typical research article is "Exploring the relationship between modularization ability and performance in the C programming language: the case of novice programmers and expert programmers” by Maurice Vodounon. The days of general-purpose, casual programming instruction appear to be gone, along with wood shop, sewing, and other 'home economics'. While research publications about learning computer programming increased in quantity in the last two decades, by and large they appear in domain-specific journals and conferences rather than venues more popular for 'humanities computing'. This is not to disregard the rich dialog in new disciplines like Software Studies (Manovich) and Critical Code Studies (Wardrip-Fruin). However, these theorists appear more concerned with overall, societal technology consumption than with the topic of learning programming.

A few stand outs among humanities scholars who do directly address learning programming can be found, and they will be considered next. It is easier to see connections between the themes developed in Mayer's anthology than direct continuations of Turkle's work, although Turkle is often invoked in studies of class, race, and gender biases in instructional and work environments, often associating hard mastery with masculine preferences, and soft mastery with feminist themes (McKenna; Lynn, Raphael, and Olefsky; Sutton; Lau and Yuen). Recent research into 'pair programming' by Jill Denner and Linda Werner further elaborates on the importance of background knowledge and social support for novices that was the subject of the metacourse designed by Perkins, Schwartz, and Simmons.

Robert E. Cummings published an interesting article in 2006, “Coding with power: Toward a rhetoric of computer coding and composition” that explicitly ties programming, as a form of composition targeted towards machine readers, to composition targeted towards human readers. Besides making a theoretical argument linking programming and composition by presenting a parallel of the rhetorical triangle for addressing machines, he offers practical tips for how to implement his ideas in a class. In private correspondence with Cummings, he supports, as a replacement for writing BASIC programs, having student write Extensible Markup Language (XML) Document Type Definition (DTD) representations of the rhetorical elements of narratives and essays that they are studying. His emphasis on writing software code to clarify conceptual understanding alludes to the object-oriented programming style, which can be seen in addition to Turkle's bricoleur style as a rich ground for asserting individual perspectives by focusing on how programming problems map onto their external referents rather than on how to most efficiently code algorithms. The trend toward object-oriented metaphors was recognized by Turkle in Life on the Screen by such ground breaking changes in human computer interfaces as the desktop oriented Apple Macintosh of the mid 1980s. By the mid 1990s her research had taken a turn from studying how people learned to program computers to how people relate to and live in computer environments in general.

From this review of scholarly literature on learning programming a number of gaps are evident, and these gaps appear to be echoed by the cries of the popular press who lament America's loss of its edge in technical innovation attributable to failures of the educational system. The argument of the article by Soloway, Spohrer, and Littman in Chapter 6 of Teaching and Learning Computer Programming is that it is better to focus on the process rather than the product when the goal is to teach that problems can be solved in multiple ways. This idea complements Turkle's notion of epistemological pluralism. Her early investigation of programming styles can be refreshed using more recent programming languages and computing platforms, to see what is happening in elementary and secondary schools today. Alternatively, there is the unasked question of whether there is any influence by the specific, material conditions of learning programming on the development of individual style. By material conditions I mean both the computer platforms themselves, such as the Apple II+ and Commodore 64, and the texts that were bundled with them by the manufacturer, such as the Applesoft Tutorial and the Commodore 64 Programmer's Reference Guide, as illustrated in Figure 1.

This question about the influence of specific platforms and media can be studied by interviewing people who learned to program during the same period in which Turkle did her research focusing on Logo. N. Katherine Hayles (2004) coined the term Media-Specific Analysis (MSA) to describe a critical technique that takes into account the physical and structural properties of different media that putatively perform the same rhetorical function that can be used here. Second, the site of learning programming can be shifted from formal instruction – classroom settings in colleges, universities, public and private schools – to where many people in America first learned to write programs, at home, alone, self-taught via OEM manuals, library books, and magazines. Many respondents to online surveys and discussion forums state that they were self-taught (see Table 1 in the Data Collection section). In these settings the texts that were used alongside the computer itself often fulfilled the role of an accompanying instructional regime. A third gap to consider is extending the categories of programming styles beyond Turkle's dichotomy of hard and soft mastery by importing knowledge from mainstream computer science literature and history of software studies. For instance, there may be a recognizable stylistic difference between procedural and object-oriented approaches. There may also be distinct styles tied to specific computing platforms, a point made by Bogost and Montfort in their cultural and technical study of the Atari 2600 game console. In the spirit of qualitative research, however, these questions are best answered using a mixed method of critical analysis guided by empirical study of human subjects.

Methodology

The research questions I am posing revolve around the gaps in Turkle's early work on programming styles, informed by theorists like Hayles who, with Turkle, recognize that specific technologies and texts can have a broad impact on learning, development, and personality, perhaps, in this case, programming style. Understanding the relevance of the affordances of specific technological systems and texts serves to remind us that certain obsolete platforms may offer advantages for learning programming over contemporary, putatively superior ones. The outcome of this study may reveal recommendations for best practices in teaching computer programming in general settings, and may guide the development of future computing systems (for example, as using all free, open source software) and their accompanying texts, both printed and online, when they are designed as platforms for learning. These research questions are:

  • What platforms were used in learning to program in the late 1970s through mid 1980s?

  • What printed texts (OEM manuals, popular press books, textbooks, magazines) were used?

  • What programming styles developed?

My methodology is summarized in the following outline. See Appendix D for the overall project milestones and target completion dates.

  1. Data Collection Stage

    1. Refine Interview Protocol

    2. Select Interview Candidates

    3. Submit IRB materials

    4. Conduct Interviews

  2. Data Encoding Stage

    1. Code Interview Data from Forms

    2. Transcribe and Code Significant Audio Recordings

  3. Data Analysis Stage

    1. Qualitative Analysis of Key Platforms, Texts, and Programming Styles

    2. Structural, Rhetorical, and Media-Specific Analysis of Key Platforms and Texts

  4. Synthesis Stage

Data Collection

An interview protocol has been developed that elicits data about what computer platforms and what texts people used while learning to program. It also inquires into when, where, and with whom they did so, as well as what kinds of programs they wrote. At the heart of the interview process is a single page form that provides prompts for the researcher and provides room to take organized notes. See Appendix A for a blank form and an image of one that was filled out during a trial interview. Trials of the interview process took 30-60 minutes to cover all of the items on the form, including a substantial amount of free discussion at the end of the interview. However, the protocol needs to be adjusted to provide prompts for learning more about the programming style characteristic of the subject. Turkle seems to imply a connection between programs asking the user questions and soft mastery, although her assignment of style hinges more on how the programmer relates to the computer platform running the program and source code than the actual nature of the programs written. This may be due to her choice of environments (instructional setting) and programming language (Logo) influencing the type of programs being written. It is hoped that Sherry Turkle or one of her students can be solicited to provide guidance. Susan Lammers' interviews of influential programmers in her 1986 book Programmers At Work is helpful for seeing the sorts of responses that may be indicative of programming style without begging the question because their wider scope itself gives narrative, biographical evidence of programming style.

Interviews will be conducted over telephone, voice over IP (VOIP), or in person. During the interviews the researcher takes handwritten notes using the interview form, and also makes an audio recording for later transcription if permission has been given to do so. The Informed Consent Form in Appendix C provides a check box where the interview subject can elect to be recorded or not. In either case, the researcher must be diligent in removing all personally identifying information from any quotations or paraphrases that appear in subsequent oral and written presentations based on this research.

The intended subjects for this study are persons likely to have used early personal computer platforms and associated texts (manuals, books, magazines, etc.) that were popular in the United States from the late 1970s through mid 1980s. Interview candidates will be selected based on their participation in existing surveys, polls, and discussion group threads that address how, when, and with what platforms they first learned to program computers. Sample data sources from which to cull potential interview subjects are shown in the following table. Obviously, only those resources that provide email addresses or another way to contact the respondent, such as through the discussion forum messaging system, will be considered.

URL

http://stackoverflow.com/questions/348098/are-you-a-self-taught-programmer-or-did-you-take-a-programming-course

Survey Question

Are you a self-taught programmer or did you take a programming course?

Sample Response

Self taught using ZX BASIC/assembly on a ZX spectrum. Got it for the games but quickly became very interested in what was happening underneath. No internet/forums so just had to make it up as I went along.

Then did a university degree which required us to do programming but did not really teach it (apart from some simple Fortran 77). Was good for me as I was really interested in programming anyway. Then used Fortran/C++ in the real world just by continued learning on the job.

Have continued self teaching ever since (e.g reading stackoverflow) but I don't get to do as much programming as I would like these days...... (posted Dec 7, 2008)

Respondent

Registered User “luapyad”

URL

http://blogs.msdn.com/b/johnmont/archive/2006/05/03/586766.aspx

Survey Question

How did you learn to program?

Sample Response

I started as a hobbiest in high school typing in programs from Compute! magazine into my C=64. The most programming I did at that point was debugging my type-o's which forced me to understand the source of the problem in order to fix them. I started professionaly with MSAccess (using Mike Groh's Access 95 book). I now work with VB.Net/Sql Server/ASP.Net/etc. Most of the learning I get at this point is through trial-error. I also find user groups to be a good source of free training as well as networking opportunities. For a new programmer, the best learning will be to give them a simple task and have them figure out how to solve it. Sure they will make mistakes along the way, but we often learn best from our mistakes. We can read all the books we want, but actually doing is what counts. As evidence, consider the number of people who read the certification books, pass the tests and still can't code their way out of a shoe-box. (posted May 3, 2006)

Respondent

Registered User “Jim Wooley” (registration required to access additonal user profile information)

URL

http://www.quartertothree.com/game-talk/showthread.php?p=2082157

Survey Question

How did you learn to program?

Sample Response

I started learning (and learned about backups) simultaneously; the first while modifying my uncle's TRS-80 Color Computer animation program, and the second by saving my alterations to his original tape in ignorance of cassette tape leaders. (posted February 4, 2010)

Respondent

Username “ciparis”

Table 1: Data sources for selecting interview candidates

Interviews may also be solicited through blog postings and other social media, as well as personal references. There are a number of software development businesses in the greater Orlando area including Toptech Systems, Electronic Arts, Fiserv, and NCR with which the researcher has ties. A sample email invitation to participate in the research is shown in Appendix B. Following University of Central Florida Institutional Review Board (IRB) procedures, all interview subjects must read, sign, and return a copy of the Informed Consent Form prior to being interviewed.

Data Encoding

Data will be encoded from the interview forms and audio recordings. Sets of identifiers will be created for each category (computing platform, texts, types of programs written, and other stylistic indicators) to normalize the data into units represented by machine configurations, printed texts, and programming styles. A spreadsheet may be used to initially encode the handwritten interview forms, although it is anticipated that custom software will be developed in conjunction with the Spring 2011 Digital Editing and Database course to facilitate encoding. Table 2, below, represents a spreadsheet representation of sample interviews displaying the interview numbers, the age and year they started programming, the computer platforms, and the OEM texts they recall using. The full interview form contains many more dimensions, some of which may take multiple entries for each interview subject to reflect concurrency and temporal change in their programming activities.

Number

Age

Year

Computer Model

OEM Manual

1

18

1978

Mainframe PDP


2

18

1980

PDP – 10 or 11 minicomputer


3

13

87/88

Apple //e, PC jr (later that year)


4

10

1985

C-64, 486 in college

big thick manual that came with it

5

9

1979

Vic-20, C-64, PCs late 80s, Mac 2006

Reference Manual, 64 had 6510 instruction set, section on architecture, very basic overview of kernel, sprites, sounds

6

24

1978

Heathkit H-100 (H8) dual 8085/8080 kit, Zenith Z-100 integrated unit

MSDOS/ROM BASIC came with ROM chips, not the computer

Table 2: Spreadsheet containing interview data from 6 sample interviews

The next level of encoding is to normalize dimensions and category information from the spreadsheet data using an enumerative coding scheme (see Geisler, chapter 4). It is anticipated that the data will be loaded into MySQL relational database tables designed for this project to allow manipulation by custom programs for analysis and display of results. Appendix E contains the Structured Query Language (SQL) commands used to create the sample database and tables that are shown below. The tables will contain fields for the encoded categories for each dimension (as an integer reference to a secondary lookup table), as well as the raw interview transcription if it is available, or raw researcher notes (as a text field). It is important to retain the raw interview text since it is likely that the data may be iteratively recoded as more results accrue and emerging patterns reshape the direction of the study. The table structure will also support multiple instances of the same dimension for each interview, reflecting that the subjects may recall having used multiple computer platforms over the course of the years they learned to program that fall within the target time frame of late 1970s through mid 1980s. The two sample tables definitions shown in Figure 2 and Figure 3 represent the enumeration of various dimensions and their possible categories.

These are considered secondary lookup tables so that the integer key can be used to consistently reference each category type for all of the interviews. The encoding task requires identifying the relevant, distinguishable computer platforms and assigning each an integer; these are the categories of the dimension 'computer platform'. A similar process must be done for the OEM texts, magazines, and so on that are recounted during the interviews, for the types of programs written, and so on.

Then each interview can be encoded using these enumeration numbers to facilitate automated analysis, as shown in Figure 4. Notice the use of the InstanceEnumeration field to indicate when there are multiple instances of the same dimension for an interview, reflecting the temporal ordering of, for example, the computer platforms Commodore Vic-20 followed by Commodore 64 by InterviewNumber 5. A utility program is envisioned for entering the data from the interview form directly into the database rather than through an intermediary spreadsheet representation.

It is understood that the encoding models for many of the dimensions captured by the form and that may be derived from transcriptions of the recorded audio have yet to be defined. In particular, the categories of the dimension 'programming style' have yet to be expanded beyond Turkle's dichotomy of hard and soft mastery, let alone have heuristics for determining those programming styles from raw data be developed. Therefore, one of the first tasks in the project time line presented in Appendix D is to refine the interview protocol to achieve these goals.

Data Analysis

Data analysis will be divided into two parts: analysis of the interview data, and analysis of computer platforms and texts. Interview data will be analyzed using custom software written by the researcher to perform qualitative analyses or prepare the datasets for analysis by third-party software applications. Nominal data about the use of computer platforms, texts, and programming style will be generated to perform quantitative statistical analysis of correlations between platforms/texts and programming styles, as well as other pairings of variables that emerge as possibly significant. This data will also inform the selection of the specific platforms and texts that will be scrutinized in detail as items of material culture. The analysis of computer platforms and texts represents a study of material culture and is the least developed part of this proposal. The cultural milieu and aspects of production of many early personal computers are recounted in Freiberger and Swain's Fire in the Valley. It is anticipated that future coursework in 2011 will flesh out the methods for this content analysis. Any custom software created from this project will be licensed under a popular free, open source license such as the GNU General Public License (GPL) version 2 or higher. The analysis methods will include assessment of the reliability and validity of the measurement system, following the recommendations made by Lauer and Asher (see Chapter 7 on Measurement).

Synthesis

The final stage of the dissertation project will synthesize the findings of the data analysis that will happen after encoding data from interviews. In connecting this work with mainstream research in teaching and learning computer programming, I am hypothesizing that certain texts may impose "more guidance" (as developed by Perkins, Schwartz, and Simmons in the description of their 'metacourse' supplement to formal programming instruction) than their absence or other texts during the unmediated discovery of the computer's programming possibilities, as well as other features of the metacourse for novice programmers. Texts may also function like a partner in the "pair programming" research discussed by Denner and Werner without the authoritarian auspices of an adult teacher. Also consider how media-specific features of colorful, spiral-bound printed texts such as The Applesoft Tutorial differentiate their rhetorical and practical functions from other types of texts, such as browser-based resources or help features built into Integrated Development Environments (IDEs). For example, consider the rhetorical impact of its cover (Figure 5), containing a program that can be typed in and run. This gave the Apple platform an advantage because you could use it at face value. In terms of designing an optimal text today, while it is true that printed and video display media can both show the picture on the cover, there may be advantages to having a physical, printed book from which to learn about how to use the computer, versus using the same computer to display the instructional text. At minimum, a solution to the conundrum of why it seems to be better to go back to previous states of the art in computer technology to best learn how to program in general to best develop individual style, both innate and determined by the environmental affordances of the technologies in use in experience, will be offered.

Works Cited

Bogost, Ian. (2010, February 19). Pascal spoken here: Learning about learning programming from the Apple ][. Message posted on http://www.bogost.com/blog/pascal_spoken_here.shtml. Retrieved October 3, 2010.

Brin, David. (2006, September 14). Why Johnny can't code. Message posted on http://www.salon.com/technology/feature/2006/09/14/basic. Retrieved October 3, 2010.

Cummings, Robert E. (2006). Coding with power: Toward a rhetoric of computer coding and composition. Computers and Composition, 23(4), 430-443.

Denner, Jill, & Werner, Linda. (2007). Computer programming in middle school: How pairs respond to challenges. Journal of Educational Computing Research, 37(2), 131-50.

Freiberger, P., & Swaine, M. (2000). Fire in the valley: The making of the personal computer. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Ge, Xun, Thomas, Michael K., & Greene, Barbara A. (2006). Technology-rich ethnography for examining the transition to authentic problem-solving in a high school computer programming class. Journal of Educational Computing Research, 34(4), 319-52.

Geisler, Cheryl. (2004). Analyzing streams of language. New York: Pearson Education, Inc.

Gillespie, C.W. (2004). "Seymour Papert's vision for early childhood education? A descriptive study of preschoolers and kindergarteners in discovery-based, Logo-rich classrooms. Early Childhood Research and Practice, 6(1).

Hayles, N. Katherine. (2004). Print is flat, code is deep: The importance of media-specific analysis. Poetics Today, 25(1), 67-90.

Hoar, Nancy. (1987). Conquering the myth: Expository writing and computer programming. College Composition and Communication, 38, 93-95.

Lammers, Susan. (1986). Programmers at work: Interviews with 19 programmers who shaped the computer industry. Redmond, WA: Tempus Books of Microsoft Press.

Lau, Wilfred W. F., & Yuen, Allan H. K. (2009). Exploring the effects of gender and learning styles on computer programming performance: Implications for programming pedagogy. British Journal of Educational Technology, 40(4), 696-712.

Lauer, Janice M. and J. William Asher. (1988). Composition research: Empirical designs. New York: Oxford University Press.

Lynn, Kathleen-M., Raphael, Chad, & Olefsky, Karin. (2003). Bridging the gender gap in computing: An integrative approach to content design for girls. Journal of Educational Computing Research, 28(2), 143-162.

McAllister, Neil. (2008, October 2). Should computer programming be mandatory for U.S. students? Infoworld.

McKenna, Peter. (2000). Transparent and opaque boxes: Do women and men have different computer programming psychologies and styles? Computers & Education, 35(1), 37-49.

Mayer, Richard E. (1988). Introduction. In Richard E. Mayer (Ed.), Teaching and learning computer programming: Multiple research perspectives. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates.

Panell, Chris. (2003). Teaching computer programming as a language. Tech Directions, 62(8), 26-27.

Papert, Seymour. (1980). Mindstorms: Children, computers, and powerful ideas. New York: Basic Books.

Perkins, D.N, Schwartz, Steve, & Simmons, Rebecca. (1988). Instructional strategies for the problems of novice programmers. In Richard E. Mayer (Ed.), Teaching and learning computer programming: Multiple research perspectives. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates.

Shields, Mark A. (1995). The legitimation of academic computing in the 1980s. In Mark A. Shields (Ed.), Work and technology in higher education: The social construction of academic computing. Technology and education. Hillsdale, N.J: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

-----. (1995). The social construction of academic computing. In Mark A. Shields (Ed.), Work and technology in higher education: The social construction of academic computing. Technology and education. Hillsdale, N.J: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Sutton, Rosemary E. (1991). Equity and computers in the schools: A decade of research. Review of Educational Research, 61(4), 475-503.

Turkle, Sherry. (1984). The second self: Computers and the human spirit. New York: Simon & Schuster.

-----. (1995). Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the Internet. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Turkle, Sherry, & Papert, Seymour. (1990). Epistemological pluralism: Styles and voices within the computer culture. Signs, 16(1), 128-157.

-----. (1991). Epistemological pluralism and the revaluation of the concrete. Journal of Mathematical Behavior, 11(1), 3-33.

Vodounon, Maurice A. (2006, June 22). Exploring the relationship between modularization ability and performance in the C programming language: the case of novice programmers and expert programmers. The Free Library.

Weinstein, Peter. (1999). Computer programming revisited. Technology & Learning, 19(8), 38-42.

Werner, Linda, & Denner, Jill. Pair programming in middle school: What does it look like? Journal of Research on Technology in Education, 42(1), 29-49.

Wednesday, October 13, 2010

Programming Survey

The refined problem that interests me concerns the rhetorical and media-specific functions of the texts that people used to learn (or turn away from) programming computers, particularly (based on initial responses) the OEM manuals that were packaged with early personal computers that contain programming examples and language tutorials (for example, The Applesoft Tutorial that accompanied Apple //+ computers from 1979-1982). A cursory look at online discussion threads and polls reveals that many people consider themselves self-taught, or starting programming at home long before receiving any formal instruction at school. These resources can be analyzed to reveal the computer models used to learn programming. Sometimes they mention using OEM manuals, magazines or other texts; however, a new survey and interview process needs to be created that focuses on discovering these texts and how they were used. Use a blog posting to host the survey and its responses, or some other hosted, on line survey instrument. Invite participants of prior discussions and surveys to participate in the new survey (eventually; for now just invite friends, coworkers, and colleagues). Interview candidates can then be selected from the survey respondents. Please answer these questions:

Have you ever written computer programs?

Do you remember how old you were when you started programming?
(Or what grade you were in?)

Can you recall the setting of your first programming experiences? (Was it at school, at home, at a friend's, some other family member, another place?)


Did you work alone or with other people?

And what model did you use? (Was it made by Apple, Commodore, IBM, Tandy, Texas Instruments?)

What was the programming language?

Do you remember if you used any books that were with the computer?

What do you remember about them?

Did they contain programs that you typed in?

Did they contain pictures?

Did you read the text?


Ask similar questions for those who respond negatively to the first question, and did not program computers. They still will recall the first places they remember using computers, their approximate age, and perhaps less clearly, the model. The researcher (or proxy) can guess at which texts they may have used, and for certain models, the fact of their absence. Thus I can collect information about the negative effects of bundled texts for particular models and particular people who never became programmers. Please answer these questions:


If you did not write programs, do you remember how old you were when you first used a computer?

Can you recall the setting of your first computer using experiences?

Were you alone or with other people?


Do you remember what type of computer it was?


Do you remember using any books were with the computer?


Do your remember anything about them?


In connecting this work with mainstream research in teaching and learning computer programming, I am hypothesizing that certain texts may impose "more guidance" than their absence or other texts during the unmediated discovery of the computer's programming possibilities, and that certain texts may provide the function of the "metacourse" recommended by Perkins, Schwartz, and Simmons for novice programmers. Texts may also function like a partner in the "pair programming" research discussed by Denner and Werner without the authoritarian auspices of an adult teacher. Also consider how media-specific features of colorful, spiral-bound printed texts such as
The Applesoft Tutorialdifferentiate their rhetorical and practical functions from other types of texts, such as browser-based resources or help features built into Integrated Development Environments.


References

  • Bogost, Ian. "Pascal Spoken Here: Learning about Learning Programming from the Apple ][." [Weblog entry.] Ian Bogost Blog. 19 Feb 2010. (http://www.bogost.com/blog/pascal_spoken_here.shtml) 12 Oct 2010.
  • Brin, David. "Why Johnny Can't Code." Salon. Salon, 14 Sept 2006. (http://www.salon.com/technology/feature/2006/09/14/basic). 3 Oct 2010.
  • Cummings, Robert E. "Coding with power: Toward a rhetoric of computer coding and composition." Computers and Composition 23.4 (2006): p. 430-443. Print.
  • Denner, Jill, and Linda Werner. "Computer Programming in Middle School: How Pairs Respond to Challenges." Journal of Educational Computing Research 37.2 (2007): 131-50. Print.
  • Mayer, Richard E. Introduction. Teaching and Learning Computer Programming: Multiple Research Perspectives. Ed. Richard E. Mayer. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates, 1988. Print.
  • Perkins, D.N, Steve Schwartz, and Rebecca Simmons. "Instructional Strategies for the Problems of Novice Programmers." Teaching and Learning Computer Programming: Multiple Research Perspectives. Ed. Richard E. Mayer. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates, 1988. Print.
  • Vodounon, Maurice A. "Exploring the relationship between modularization ability and performance in the C programming language: the case of novice programmers and expert programmers." The Free Library. 22 June 2006. (http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Exploring the relationship between modularization ability and...-a0144705087) 10 Oct 2010.

Participate in the survey by copying the appropriate set of questions into a comment (programmer or nonprogrammer).

Wednesday, October 6, 2010

Refining Research Questions

Searching for two to three research papers to find the gaps:

  • Brin, David. (2006). Why Johnny Can't Code. Salon. 9/14/2006.

  • Cuban, L. (2001). Oversold and underused: Computers in the Classroom. Harvard U. Press.

  • Cummings, Robert E. (2006). Coding with power: Toward a rhetoric of computer coding and composition. Computers and Composition v. 23 no.4, p. 430-433.

  • Denner, Jill. "The Girls Creating Games Program: An Innovative Approach to Integrating Technology into Middle School." Meridian: a Middle School Computer Technologies Journal Winter 2007. 4 Oct. 2010. http://www.ncsu.edu/meridian/win2007/girlgaming/index.htm

  • Denner, Jill, and Linda Werner. "Computer Programming in Middle School: How Pairs Respond to Challenges." Journal of Educational Computing Research 37.2 (2007): 131-50. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • "From codex to code: programming and the composition classroom." Computers and Composition 16.3 (1999): 319-436. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Ge, Xun, Michael K. Thomas, and Barbara A. Greene. "Technology-Rich Ethnography for Examining the Transition to Authentic Problem-Solving in a High School Computer Programming Class." Journal of Educational Computing Research 34.4 (2006): 319-52. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Gillespie, C.W. (2004). Seymour Papert’s vision for early childhood education? A descriptive study of preschoolers and kindergarteners in discovery-based, Logo-rich classrooms. Early Childhood Research and Practice, 6(1).

  • Hoar, Nancy. "Conquering the myth: expository writing and computer programming." College Composition and Communication 38 (1987): 93-5. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Kocian, Lisa. (2010). One computer for every student. Boston Globe. 2/11/2010.

  • Lau, Wilfred W. F., and Allan H. K. Yuen. "Exploring the effects of gender and learning styles on computer programming performance: implications for programming pedagogy." British Journal of Educational Technology 40.4 (2009): 696-712. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Lynn, Kathleen-M., Chad Raphael, and Karin Olefsky. "Bridging the Gender Gap in Computing: An Integrative Approach to Content Design for Girls." Journal of Educational Computing Research 28.2 (2003): 143-62. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • McAllister, Neil. (2008). Should computer programming be mandatory for U.S. students? Infoworld. 10/2/2008.

  • McKenna, Peter. "Transparent and opaque boxes: do women and men have different computer programming psychologies and styles?." Computers & Education 35.1 (2000): 37-49. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • National Center for Education Statistics. (2005). Computer Technology in the Public School Classroom: Teacher Perspectives.

  • Panell, Chris. "Teaching Computer Programming as a Language." Tech Directions 62.8 (2003): 26-7. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Solomon, Justin. "Programming as a Second Language." Learning and Leading with Technology 32.4 (2005): 34-9. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Sutton, Rosemary E. (1991). Equity and Computers in the Schools: A Decade of Research. Review of Educational Research. Vol. 61, No. 4 (Winter, 1991), pp. 475-503.

  • Weinstein, Peter. "Computer programming revisited." Technology & Learning 19.8 (1999): 38-42. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

  • Werner, Linda, and Jill Denning. "Pair Programming in Middle School: What Does It Look Like?." Journal of Research on Technology in Education 42.1 (2009): 29-49. Education Full Text. Web. 4 Oct. 2010.

The Brin article is an opinion piece but hits the subject directly, asking why BASIC or some other language is not provided on home computers for children to type in sample programs found in their math textbooks. He declares that “Microsoft and Apple and all the big-time education-computerizing reformers of the MIT Media Lab are failing, miserably. For all of their high-flown education initiatives (like the "$100 laptop"), they seem bent on providing information consumption devices, not tools that teach creative thinking and technological mastery.” The opinion piece by McAllister attacks the stereotype of the programmer as nerdy, male social misfit by appealing to the rationale responding to the new needs of the global marketplace. His argument is that baseline computer literacy, including programming fundamentals, should be a requirement: “Make no mistake; the days when knowledge of computer programming was a ticket to a golden future are over. In today's globalized job market, computer literacy should be seen as a baseline skill for the U.S. workforce, not a differentiator.” The Wikipedia entry for “Educational Programming Languages” fills in many details to bring things up to the present. Its external links includes this interesting news story about the Scratch language. A recent article by Lisa Kocian in the Boston Globe describes technology initiatives aimed at providing “one computer for every student,” noting that “Maine is at the forefront of technology in the schools, with all public school students in the seventh and eighth grades receiving a laptop computer.” However, the article does not describe what the children will be doing with the computers, besides emphasizing the need for teacher buy in and training. Nor does the U.S. government report on teacher perspectives of the adequacy of computer technology in public school classrooms, although it does introduce some statistics. Nancy Hoar wrote a short piece in 1987 linking expository writing and programming. The most promising article so far is by Robert Cummings, who “explores the connection between computer programming (coding) and traditional composition.” He does not directly cite any quantitative or qualitative research, though (I sent him an email asking for more information). The article by Lynn, Raphael and Olefsky does involve empirical findings, but its focus is studying the gender gap in computer use in general, not programming in particular. Peter McKenna's article directly picks up on Turkle's work, but does not appear to contain any empirical data. Lau and Yuen's article does contain research findings, but its focus on gender in Hong Kong schools strays from my interest in the current state of programming instruction in general in the U.S. Denner's article on girls creating a computer game contains research data but is still not in the direct sphere of texts and technology studies. Her article with Linda Werner on how pairs of girls respond to programming challenges gets closer still, containing qualitative empirical data and citing Turkle, and may be transportable into the composition studies area as a way to implement Cummings' starter ideas. See also their 2009 article that contains coded transcripts. Then there is the article by Ge, Thomas and Greene that almost enunciates my original research idea. “Technology-Rich Ethnography for Examining the Transition to Authentic Problem-Solving in a High School Computer Programming Class” states in its abstract, “our findings lend support to the argument that teachers in high school computer programming classes should incorporate the following features in their curricula: open-ended problem solving, real-world clients, group work, student autonomy and ample opportunities for student creative expression. ”

My sense from the first iteration of the research question postings was that my topics did not have clear connections to texts and technology, despite the fact that I was invoking theorists whose work we read in various T&T courses, in particular Sherry Turkle. Therefore, I spent some time this weekend looking for journal articles dealing with the intersection of computer programming and English composition. In the process I found a number of qualitative research studies looking at differences in programming styles between men and women, most of which cited Turkle. Robert E. Cummings published an interesting article in 2006, “Coding with power: Toward a rhetoric of computer coding and composition” that explicitly ties programming, as a form of composition targeted towards machine readers, to composition targeted towards human readers. Besides making a theoretical argument linking programming and composition by presenting a parallel of the rhetorical triangle for addressing machines, he offers practical tips for how to implement his ideas in a class. I contacted him to see whether he has indeed enacted his idea in any of his classes, and if so, if he tried to measure anything, or whether he knows of any external studies conducted to test his hypotheses or that are related to them. But I when it comes down to want-to-do-ability, I still wish to focus on improving our understanding of casual, everyday programming as it exists in America, how children are being exposed to programming instruction, in order to meditate upon the art of programming for humanities scholars and as a subject for texts and technology theorists.

Part I: Framing the Problem and Considering the Context

The problem in which I am interested is that the sense of urgency and value in teaching computer programming as a basic skill to American youth appears to have diminished from the late 1980s and early 1990s when Turkle was doing her ethnographic studies of programming styles. The disciplinary and professional communities that are interested in this problem may of course be technology educators, but I believe the problem is also relevant to ethnographers of technology as well as texts and technology theorists because programming computers is one of the quintessential acts of post-literate culture. Conversational partners include those like the later Turkle who argue that deep structure cognitive styles have been replaced by mastery of surface applications, as well as those who continue to rally for the importance of the former. My purpose for conducting this research is to explore the current diffusion of programming as an everyday skill in the United States, demonstrating its value for non-professional as well a professional achievement, with the hope that it will influence policy and practice to help America regain its competitive edge in the global economy.

Part II: Writing Focused Research Questions for your Problem and Context

  1. What exposure to computer programming instruction did Americans who were the first generation to grow up with personal computers have in their schooling? What about subsequent generations, up to the present? This may entail both quantitative measures (how much exposure? Over what period of time?) and qualitative details about what was learned (different languages) and how this knowledge was applied (for example, in programming contests and after-school activities).

  2. In what ways and to what extent have they written software in a non-professional context, and do they currently do so?

  3. In what ways, if any, do they feel that their programming experience helps them solve everyday problems, come up with novel ideas, and communicate their ideas more effectively?

Part III: Choosing Research Methods to Answer Your Questions

  1. Survey (web-based), interview small number of survey participants from each generation

  2. Survey (web-based), interview small number of survey participants

  3. Interview small number of survey participants

Assessing Your Plan

Do-ability/feasibility: The availability of web-based survey tools and services makes the initial survey feasible and the population is accessible on line, with the exception of the current generation, which is children in school now. While I can speak the language as a professional programmer and long time technology hobbyist, I need more training in interview and data collection skills.

Should-do-ability: My initial searching has not found any research directly addressing these questions. The topic is significant based on the presence of theoretical articles and opinion pieces that address the current state of general programming instruction in schools and the its perceived advantages. There do not seem to be any risks to participants or repercussions for me or the research participants.

Want-to-do-ability: While my personal interest has been shifting the more I get to know the disciplinary boundaries of this program, as long as I can keep relevant linkages I care deeply about promoting general programming skills and am personally interested in talking to people my age about their experience of learning to use computers.

Monday, September 20, 2010

Forming a Research Question

Is it better to program as a bricoleur (following the famous ethnographer of electronic computing Sherry Turkle) or to not program at all?


inspirations
Epistemological Pluralism and the Revaluation of the Concrete
By Sherry Turkle and Seymour Papert
http://www.papert.org/articles/EpistemologicalPluralism.html